Finding Myself: A Reflection

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This essay is the personality-frameworks companion to What I Have Been Learning About Myself. Here I sit with what temperament inventories (MBTI, True Colours) reflect back and where I push against them; the companion essay carries the deeper work on limiting beliefs and on reclaiming introversion.

There comes a point in a long life of reflection when the question quietly changes. For most of my adult years, I had been asking what I should do next. What should I study. What should I publish? What should I train for? What should I become? These were useful questions, and they shaped a productive life. But they were all questions about direction, and they rested on an assumption I had never quite examined. The assumption was that I already knew who I was, and that the work was simply to figure out where I was taking her. In recent months, that assumption has quietly fallen apart. I have come to realize that I am still in the process of knowing who I am, and that much of what I thought was my identity was actually a set of adaptations I had made to the environments I moved through over a long career. The question shifted, almost without my noticing, from what I should do next to who was asking. That question is harder. It is also, I think, the question that matters most in the second half of a life.

Title: A Moment of Reflection

Warm sunset sky over park trees with mountains in the distance
Photo: Amy Tucker, © 2026

The look began with the frameworks. I had read about personality for years without quite using the material on myself, and I finally decided to sit with it honestly. I took the inventories. I read the profiles slowly. I let the descriptions have their chance to reflect something back. The Myers-Briggs Type Indicator (Briggs Myers & Myers, 1980) profile that emerged was INFJ, which describes a person oriented toward depth, meaning, attunement, and the interior life. The True Colours system (Lowry, 1978) placed me as Orange and Blue with Green close behind, and with Gold noticeably absent from my top colours. Reading these descriptions was a curious experience. Some of what they said landed with an almost physical recognition. Some of it made me pause. Some of it I wanted to push back against. I want to write about that honestly, because I think the habit of accepting every flattering description as the truth about ourselves is one of the subtle ways we keep ourselves hidden.

Title: New Growth

Green shoots emerging from soil
Photo: Amy Tucker, © 2026

There was more agreement than I expected. The description of the INFJ as someone with a rich inner world that she rarely shares at its full depth, and whose composed external presentation often fails to match the complexity of her interior, was accurate enough that I sat down while reading it. That description named the girl I was at nine years old, already learning to arrange her face before entering a room, and it named the woman I have been for most of the years since. The description of a temperamental drive toward meaning-making was equally accurate. The dissertation, the wellness column, the blog, the book I am shaping, and much of the work I have done across a long career are all evidence of this pattern. I have been turning what I have lived through into contributions for as long as I have been alive. The True Colours reading of Orange and Blue and Green as roughly equal in me was also true, and the agreement there was harder to bear, because it named a tension I have lived with without having the language to describe it. My Orange wants to be in my body, training, running, and moving. My Blue wants to be with people, writing to them, caring for them. My Green wants to sit quietly with books and ideas. Each is legitimately me. Each asks for real time and energy. The tension between them has been part of my daily experience for as long as I can remember.

And yet, even as I was nodding, I was also pushing back. The frameworks describe a tendency toward perfectionism and a disproportionate sense of shame over small lapses, often framing these as essential features of the type. I disagree. I believe these are injuries rather than essential features. They are what happens when a sensitive, ethically attuned person absorbs performance standards that were never meant to be internalized and spends decades in environments that reward their internalization. The ethical rigour itself may be temperamental. The punishing internal critic attached to it is, I have come to believe, a learned response to environments that conflated high standards and self-punishment. That distinction matters more than almost any other insight I have arrived at this year, because one of those patterns is something I will live with to the end of my days, and the other is something I can set down. A framework that collapses the two into a single feature of the type deprives me of the distinction. I would rather hold the framework lightly, honour what it reflects accurately, and reserve the right to disagree when it tries to turn my adaptations into my essence.

What the frameworks were unable to reach, I am finding, lies beneath them. Temperament explains the shape of how I move through the world. Values explain what I am oriented toward. Neither of them describes the specific beliefs I have been operating from, the quiet instructions that have been running underneath my days for so long that I had stopped noticing them. Those beliefs are what actually organize a life. A framework can point in their general direction, but only the slow, unglamorous work of looking at my own days can bring them into focus. This is the work I have been doing recently, in a lesson on limiting beliefs, and it has been the most clarifying thing I have done in a long time.

Title: Deep Roots

Rhubarb plant with broad leaves growing in a garden bed
Photo: Amy Tucker, © 2026

When I made my list of beliefs and looked at them honestly, one rose quietly above the others as the belief with the deepest roots. It was the belief that my worth was tied to what I produced. Of all the beliefs I named, this one ran beneath almost everything else. It shaped what I thought about rest. It shaped how I approached relationships. It shaped my relationship with my work. It shaped how I perceived value itself. I have no memory of a version of myself unfamiliar with this belief. It felt, in a way, like bedrock. Around it had grown an identity, which I could see clearly once I looked. I had become, over many years, the one who holds it all together. That identity was the public-facing expression of the deeper belief. If my worth was tied to what I produced, then the identity that made the belief workable was the identity of a woman who could be counted on to produce, to lead, to carry, to manage, to hold the centre of things when others were unable to. The belief was the instruction. The identity was the role that followed.

The exercise I was asked to do was to examine this belief and identity across three domains of my life, to see how they had shaped the texture of my days. I sat with the first domain, my relationships with others, and asked myself how the belief and identity were showing up there. What I noticed was that I most often show care through doing, through giving, through supporting others in tangible ways. The care itself is real. It is an expression of something genuine in me. What the belief has quietly done is turn that care into a form of currency. I feel more comfortable offering than receiving. I find it far easier to be the person who shows up with a meal, a piece of advice, a note of encouragement, than to be the person who lets someone else show up for me. I noticed that I overextend myself, particularly when I sense that someone else is struggling, and that I take on more than is mine to hold. I read the room quickly, identify what is needed, and step into the role of the one who provides it. This has been rewarded often enough in my life that I have come to rely on it. What the belief costs me, in a relationship, is the depth of connection that becomes possible only when I am willing to be received rather than only to provide. Equating being valued with being useful leaves very little room for the simple experience of being loved when I am producing nothing. The question that arose from sitting with this domain was what it might feel like to be valued simply for being present, rather than for what I provide. The answer remains ahead of me. The question itself is new.

The second domain was my work. Sitting with the belief and the identity here was more complicated, because my work has been both a source of profound meaning and a place where this belief has done much of its quiet damage. The belief has driven me to achieve, produce, lead, and contribute meaningfully across teaching, research, and service. The life that has resulted is one I am genuinely proud of. I want to honour those accomplishments fully by pretending the belief was only harmful. It was also, in its way, generative. What the belief has cost me, though, is the possibility of simply resting. Rest, under this belief, has always come with conditions. It had to be earned through prior productivity. It had to be justified by future productivity. It had to be framed as recovery, never as its own good. The possibility of simply resting, because a human body and mind need rest, without any reference to output at all, has been genuinely unavailable to me for most of my working life. The belief is closely tied, I realize, to experiences of precarity and to the need to demonstrate credibility within institutional systems that treated people, and me, inequitably. I have spent much of my career in environments where my place was precarious, and where visible effort was the price of remaining. The belief was accurate, far from paranoid. It was a memory. It was an accurate reading of the environments I was actually living in. What I am beginning to understand now is that those environments have changed, and that the belief has quietly persisted past the conditions that produced it. I am beginning to consider how my work might feel if it were grounded in purpose rather than proof. That is a different relationship with my work than I have ever had. I am still making my way toward it. Imagining it is itself a change.

Title: The Work of Wisdom

Owl carved into a wooden box
Photo: Amy Tucker, © 2026

The third domain was my broader outlook on the world. Here, I noticed, with some discomfort, that I sometimes see environments as places where value must be demonstrated, recognition is tied to performance, and effort is required to secure belonging. Rooms can feel like assessments. Opportunities can feel like tests. New relationships can feel like introductions I need to pass. This is only part of my outlook. I also hold parallel beliefs in possibility, care, and transformation. The two perspectives coexist, and I move between them depending on the day and the room. What the limiting belief does, when it is running strongly, is narrow my view. It makes the world feel more demanding and evaluative than it may actually be. It obscures the rooms where I am already welcome, the people asking nothing of me by way of proof, the ordinary moments in which my presence alone is enough. When the belief is loud, I walk past those rooms without noticing them, because my attention is given entirely to the rooms that are asking me to perform. I am exploring the possibility that the world can also be a place where I am already enough, without continually having to demonstrate it. That exploration is slow and more demanding than positive thinking. It is the gradual reorientation of perception, room by room, over a long period of time.

Title: Environments That Demand

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Photo: Amy Tucker, © 2026

Sitting with this belief and this identity across these three domains taught me something that the personality frameworks, useful as they are, were unable to reach on their own. The frameworks describe my temperament. They suggest my natural orientation. They hint at where my strengths and my difficulties may lie. But they leave unaddressed which specific beliefs I have absorbed and how those beliefs are shaping the particulars of my daily life. That work is mine alone. It requires a different kind of looking. It also requires a different kind of patience, because the beliefs have been in place for so long that they no longer feel like beliefs. They feel like facts about the world. The work is to see them again as beliefs, which is to say, as interpretations I absorbed along the way and can, with time, revise.

What I am discovering is that the relationship between temperament, values, and beliefs is more complex than I had assumed, and that each layer requires a different kind of attention. My temperament gave me certain capacities, including my attunement, my depth, and my meaning-making. My values gave those capacities a direction, orienting me toward care, integrity, meaningful contribution, authenticity, and the other commitments I hold. My beliefs, on the other hand, were the interpretations I absorbed along the way about what my temperament and my values required of me. Some of those beliefs were accurate. Some of them were distortions. The belief that my worth was tied to what I produced was a distortion. It took something real about my temperament and my values: I am a person who genuinely cares about contribution, and it quietly twisted that care into a demand. The care itself is beautiful. The demand that has lived alongside it is where the suffering has been.

What I am slowly discovering is that I am neither the woman the frameworks describe nor the woman I have been performing for most of my life. I am somewhere between the two and still figuring myself out. I am an INFJ, insofar as that means anything useful. I am Orange and Blue and Green, with Gold mostly absent. I am a woman with nine clear values. I am also someone carrying specific limiting beliefs that I am now, for the first time, examining openly and naming out loud. The woman underneath all of these descriptions is someone I am only beginning to meet. She is ordinary and recognizable. She is recognizable. She is the kind of person who has always existed in human history, and who has always struggled with the same patterns I struggle with, and who has always found her way through the same honest work I am now doing. What makes her mine is simply that she is the particular version of this pattern that has shown up in my life, and that she is the one I am now responsible for tending.

There is an emerging belief underneath the older one, quieter, still learning to speak. I am worthy of connection, rest, and belonging without needing to prove it. I am practising this sentence, alongside the belief I have carried, as a companion to it rather than a replacement. Both are present. One is old and tired. One is new and tentative. I am letting them both exist, and I am trusting that over time, the newer voice will grow stronger, simply by being allowed to speak.

Title: Simple and Whole

Wooden bowls on a granite countertop
Photo: Amy Tucker, © 2026

What I would say to anyone who is in a similar season is something quiet. Take the frameworks seriously enough to let them reflect something back, and lightly enough to keep the right to disagree with them. Take your values seriously enough to name them honestly, perhaps in writing, where you can see them all at once. And take your beliefs seriously enough to examine them in the specific domains of your daily life, where they actually do their work. The frameworks will give you vocabulary. The values will give you direction. The belief that work will give you traction. All three are needed. None of them is sufficient on its own. The woman you are becoming will still be recognizably you. She will carry the same temperament she was born with. She will honour the same values she has claimed. But she will move through the world more lightly, with less self-punishment, and with more room to simply exist as the particular person she was made to be. That is the work. That is what all of this is finally for.

References

Briggs Myers, I., & Myers, P. B. (1980). Gifts differing: Understanding personality type. Davies-Black Publishing.

Lowry, D. (1978). True Colours. True Colours International.

References: A Body Is an Ecosystem

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This page lists the verified references for A Body Is an Ecosystem, part of the A Human Geography of the Self series. All citations have been verified against CrossRef DOI records. Corrections from the original post are noted below.

Verified References

Asker, C., & Andrews, G. J. (2020). The understated turn: Emerging interests and themes in Canadian posthumanist geography. Canadian Geographies / Géographies canadiennes, 64(4), 551–563. https://doi.org/10.1111/cag.12639

Fay, G., Coen, S. E., & Lawreniuk, S. (2026). Of life and breath: Towards geographies of breath and breathing bodies. Geography Compass, 20(3), Article e70069. https://doi.org/10.1111/gec3.70069

Hayes-Conroy, J., & Hayes-Conroy, A. (2010). Visceral geographies: Mattering, relating, and defying. Geography Compass, 4(9), 1273–1283. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1749-8198.2010.00373.x

Montefusco, G. (2026). Relational food geographies, underwater: Discussing food and oceans’ entanglements along urban waterfronts. Geography Compass, 20(4), Article e70074. https://doi.org/10.1111/gec3.70074

notes

Asker & Andrews (2020) — journal name corrected. The original post cited the journal as “The Canadian Geographer / Le Géographe canadien.” CrossRef records show that the journal was renamed Canadian Geographies / Géographies canadiennes beginning with volume 63 (2019). The Asker & Andrews article was published in volume 64 (2020), after the renaming. The corrected citation uses the current journal title.

All other citations in this post verified correct against CrossRef DOI records: authors, year, journal title, volume, issue, and article numbers confirmed.

Verified June 29, 2026 against CrossRef DOI database.

References: Interconnected Precarity as an Ecology

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This page lists the verified references for Interconnected Precarity as an Ecology, part of the A Human Geography of the Self series. All citations have been verified against CrossRef DOI records. Notes on publication dates are included below.

Verified References

Blomley, N. (2020). Precarious territory: Property law, housing, and the socio-spatial order. Antipode, 52(1), 36–57. https://doi.org/10.1111/anti.12578

Burridge, A., & Gill, N. (2017). Conveyor-belt justice: Precarity, access to justice, and uneven geographies of legal aid in UK asylum appeals. Antipode, 49(1), 23–42. https://doi.org/10.1111/anti.12258

Butler, J. (2004). Precarious life: The powers of mourning and violence. Verso.

Grenier, A., Lloyd, L., & Phillipson, C. (2017). Precarity in late life: Rethinking dementia as a “frailed” old age. Sociology of Health & Illness, 39(2), 318–330. https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-9566.12476

Sangaramoorthy, T. (2018). “Putting Band-Aids on things that need stitches”: Immigration and the landscape of care in rural America. American Anthropologist, 120(3), 487–499. https://doi.org/10.1111/aman.13054

notes

Blomley (2020) — publication date note. This article was published online 30 September 2019 and appeared in the print issue vol. 52(1) in January 2020. The post’s citation uses 2020, which correctly reflects the print volume year. CrossRef records confirm all other details (authors, title, journal, volume, issue, and pages).

Burridge & Gill (2017) — publication date note. This article was published online 3 August 2016 and appeared in the print issue vol. 49(1) in January 2017. The post’s citation uses 2017, which correctly reflects the print volume year. CrossRef records confirm all other details.

All other citations in this post verified correct against CrossRef DOI records.

Verified June 29, 2026 against CrossRef DOI database.

Interconnected Precarity as an Ecology

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Reading Time: 10 minutes

This piece belongs to A Human Geography of the Self, a series that reads my own life through the concepts geographers use to understand how people and places make one another. It draws on my doctoral and master’s work on contract academic labour, and on the original concepts I have developed through that research.

“No creature in the tidepool is precarious alone. Neither, I have come to believe, are we.”

In Loreto, at the lowest tides, the Sea of Cortez pulls back and leaves a world exposed in the rock. I spent many mornings crouched over those tidepools, watching. A hermit crab depends on a shell another creature has left behind. A small fish shelters in the shade of an anemone that could also sting it. Every life in that basin is held by other lives, fed by them, endangered by them, impossible without them. Pull one thread and the whole pool shifts. No creature in the tidepool is precarious alone. Neither, I have come to believe, are we.

I have spent nineteen years inside the precarity of contract academic work, and for most of those years I understood my insecurity as a private misfortune, a personal weather system I had to survive on my own. The tidepool taught me otherwise, and so did human geography. Insecurity, it turns out, behaves like an ecology. It is relational, distributed across linked lives, and profoundly uneven. In my own scholarship I have come to call this interconnected precarity (the idea that no person’s insecurity stands alone, that our vulnerabilities are bound together in a web, the way the lives in a tidepool are bound). This post is about that web, about who it holds and who it sacrifices, and about why seeing precarity as an ecology changes everything.

Precariousness Is the Water We Live In

The philosopher Judith Butler gave this its deepest grounding. As Grenier, Lloyd, and Phillipson (2017) discuss, Butler argues that our lives have always been defined by precariousness, a state founded on an interdependent web of social support and obligation, so that to live at all is to live socially, with one’s life always in some sense held in the hands of others (Grenier et al., 2017). Butler’s (2004) insight is that exposure is the human condition rather than a personal failure. We are sustained by the very same networks of care, work, and belonging that can also leave us exposed. There is no sealed, self-sufficient self. There is only the tidepool.

Grenier and colleagues (2017) take this somewhere that matters to me. They draw attention to a precariousness that is inherently shared, yet unequally experienced, so that while insecurity is part of every human life, certain lives are far more susceptible to its hazards than others (Grenier et al., 2017). They argue that the honest response is one grounded in an acknowledgement of the fragility and limitation that affect all human lives, and in inclusive forms of belonging built upon that shared condition (Grenier et al., 2017). This is the first turn of the ecological view. Once I understood my own precarity as part of a shared human interdependence rather than a personal flaw, the shame began to lift, and something more useful took its place, which was a sense of common cause.

The Web Is Uneven

If precariousness is shared, precarity itself is distributed with brutal unevenness, and geographers have mapped exactly how. Burridge and Gill (2017), studying asylum seekers cut off from legal aid across an uneven British landscape, draw on Butler to insist on what they call differential exposure (the way some populations are far more exposed to harm than others through political and spatial arrangements rather than through chance). They show that precarity is spatially uneven, that where a person stands, their legal status, and their access to resources all shape how exposed they are, and they caution that the concept of precarity becomes hollow the moment it flattens or erases these differences (Burridge & Gill, 2017). An ecology has niches, and some niches are far more dangerous than others. The tidepool is no democracy.

Then comes the insight that reorganized my whole understanding, and it came from a geographer writing about property. Blomley (2020) argues that precariousness is socially distributed in a very particular way: the security of the privileged to hold land and shelter is produced through, and actually depends upon, the production of precarity for others (Blomley, 2020). He calls this precarious property and shows that the comfortable image of the private castle, the sealed home that protects its owner from all dependency, is an illusion, because all security in land remains relational and revocable, and one person’s stable ground is built on another’s lack of it (Blomley, 2020). As a settler scholar, Blomley (2020) turns this lens on himself, acknowledging that his own access to land rests on the dispossession of Indigenous peoples, so that his security and their precarity are the same arrangement seen from two sides (Blomley, 2020).

This is the second concept I have developed in my own work, which I call asymmetrical precarity (the recognition that the web of insecurity is tilted, that some are made secure precisely by the insecurity of others). The tenured position and the contract position are not merely neighbours in an ecosystem. They are linked. The flexibility, the cost savings, and the security of the institution are produced through the disposability of people like me. My precarity was never simply my bad luck. It was someone else’s stability, viewed from underneath.

The Time Tax and the Cost of Staying Afloat

Living in an asymmetrical ecology extracts something from those who occupy its exposed niches, a cost that rarely appears on any ledger. I have come to name one form of it the time tax (the unpaid hours the precarious must spend simply staying afloat, reapplying, reproving their worth, managing an insecurity that the secure never have to think about). The hermit crab spends energy the anemone does not, merely to keep its borrowed shell. Across nineteen years I have paid this tax in evenings, in weekends, in the constant low hum of having to earn my place again and again. Burridge and Gill (2017) describe precisely this drain in the lives they study, the exhausting work of countering one’s own precarious position within a system arranged to keep one uncertain (Burridge & Gill, 2017). The time tax is how an asymmetrical ecology quietly transfers life from the exposed to the secure.

Interdependence as the Ground of Repair

Here is where the ecological view turns from diagnosis toward hope, and it is the reason I hold to it. If precarity is relational, then so is its repair. Sangaramoorthy (2018), studying how immigrants and care providers improvise mutual aid across a threadbare rural landscape, shows that precarity, even as it wounds, also generates circuits of social connection, belonging, and care (Sangaramoorthy, 2018). The very dependence on others that exposure forces upon us becomes, in her account, a profound recognition of our responsibility to one another, and the care that people offer each other inside precarity becomes a political act that opens the possibility of a livable life (Sangaramoorthy, 2018).

This is the deepest lesson of the tidepool. Interdependence is the wound and interdependence is the medicine. The same web that distributes insecurity unevenly is also the only thing strong enough to redistribute security. Grenier and colleagues (2017) call for exactly this, a response rooted in our shared fragility and in obligations of care that the secure owe the exposed (Grenier et al., 2017). My union work, my advocacy for non-regular faculty, my refusal to treat my precarity as a private problem, all of it grows from this single recognition: that we are an ecology, and an ecology survives through its relationships or fails through them.

What the Tidepool Knows

So I have stopped describing my insecurity as personal weather. It is an ecology, interconnected and asymmetrical, in which some are kept afloat by the sinking of others. Naming it that way is not merely an academic exercise. It is the difference between blaming myself and organizing with others. It is the difference between shame and solidarity.

I think often of those mornings crouched over the warm rock in Loreto, watching the held and holding lives in the basin. Every creature there was precarious, and every creature there was also someone else’s shelter, food, or threat. The pool survived because it was a web, and it suffered when the web was torn. We are the same. My precarity is bound to yours, and yours to mine, across the whole tilted ecology of our working and dwelling lives. The work of justice is the work of mending the web so that no one is made secure by another’s drowning. No creature in the tidepool is precarious alone. That is the wound, and it is also, if we choose it, the way out.


References

Blomley, N. (2020). Precarious territory: Property law, housing, and the socio-spatial order. Antipode, 52(1), 36-57. https://doi.org/10.1111/anti.12578

Burridge, A., & Gill, N. (2017). Conveyor-belt justice: Precarity, access to justice, and uneven geographies of legal aid in UK asylum appeals. Antipode, 49(1), 23-42. https://doi.org/10.1111/anti.12258

Butler, J. (2004). Precarious life: The powers of mourning and violence. Verso.

Grenier, A., Lloyd, L., & Phillipson, C. (2017). Precarity in late life: Rethinking dementia as a “frailed” old age. Sociology of Health & Illness, 39(2), 318-330. https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-9566.12476

Sangaramoorthy, T. (2018). “Putting Band-Aids on things that need stitches”: Immigration and the landscape of care in rural America. American Anthropologist, 120(3), 487-499. https://doi.org/10.1111/aman.13054


🔍 Verified References
The citations in this post have been verified against CrossRef DOI records. View the verified reference list with notes for this post.

A Body Is an Ecosystem

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This piece belongs to A Human Geography of the Self, a series that reads my own life through the concepts geographers use to understand how people and places make one another. It draws on my doctoral and master’s work on the body and somatic knowledge, and on my life as an open-water swimmer.

“In the lake I stop being a thing with edges and become a place where water passes through.”

When I slip into the cold lake at first light, something happens that I have spent years trying to describe. The boundary I walk around with all day, the firm sense of where I stop and the world begins, loosens and goes soft. The water is the same temperature as the inside of grief. It moves into the spaces between my fingers, against my eyes, into my ears, and my breath becomes the loudest thing in the world, a tide of its own. For a few minutes I am not a person looking at a lake. I am a membrane the lake is moving through. In the lake I stop being a thing with edges and become a place where water passes through.

For most of my life I was taught to think of my body as a machine that my mind drives around, a bounded object, sealed and separate, carrying me from task to task. Geography has helped me unlearn that. There is a rich body of work in the discipline that understands the human body as something far closer to what I feel in the water: porous, ecological, continuous with its surroundings, a living system among other living systems. This post is about reading the body as an ecosystem, and about why that reading is a matter of dignity and even of human rights.

The Body That Has No Clean Edge

The geographers who study this work under the banner of visceral geographies (the study of how the body’s gut-level, fleshy sensations shape, and are shaped by, the spaces we move through). Hayes-Conroy and Hayes-Conroy (2010), in the paper that helped name this field, set out its central commitments. Visceral geographies, they argue, advance our understanding of the agency of physical matter, both within and between bodies, treating the fleshy body as an actor in social and political life rather than as a passive vessel (Hayes-Conroy & Hayes-Conroy, 2010). They press us to move beyond static notions of the individual body toward more interactive versions of self and other, and above all they encourage a deep skepticism of boundaries, inviting us to live in, through, and beyond the old dualisms that wall the body off from the world (Hayes-Conroy & Hayes-Conroy, 2010).

That phrase, skepticism of boundaries, is the lake exactly. When I swim, the boundary between my body and the water is revealed as the convenient fiction it always was. Hayes-Conroy and Hayes-Conroy (2010) also remind us that the visceral, despite how we talk about it, is far from presocial or simple, and that the body is far from a thing set apart from culture and meaning (Hayes-Conroy & Hayes-Conroy, 2010). My gut reactions, my startle, my ease in water, were shaped by a whole history. The body is porous to its past as much as to the lake.

We Are Made of Exchange

If the body has no clean edge, then what passes across that open border becomes the very thing the body is made of. Fay, Coen, and Lawreniuk (2026), writing toward a geography of breath, make this beautifully concrete through the simplest act there is. Bodies and environments, they argue, are involved in processes of co-emergence and co-creation, so entangled that they cannot be cleanly separated, and breathing is their illustrative case (Fay et al., 2026). Each breath shows the body’s very constitution being perpetually mediated by the air and the place around it, by factors social and political as much as biological (Fay et al., 2026). The body, in their account, is a site where matter and energy converge, not a sealed container (Fay et al., 2026).

I think about this every time my breath becomes a tide in the cold water. I am taking the lake’s morning into my chest. The oxygen that becomes my thinking was, a moment ago, the world. The line between the environment and me is a revolving door rather than a wall. Fay and colleagues (2026) push this toward something they call an emancipatory respiratory politics, the insistence that everyone should be afforded the right to breathe clean air (Fay et al., 2026). I find that turn quietly radical. If the body is made of what it exchanges with its place, then a poisoned place becomes a poisoned body, and the right to a healthy environment becomes a right held in the lungs. The ecosystem of the body and the ecosystem of the world are one continuous system, and justice has to be measured across both.

Decentring the Lonely Human

There is a larger shift underneath all of this, and a Canadian geography has been quietly mapping it. Asker and Andrews (2020), reviewing posthumanist work across Canadian geography, describe its shared starting point as a scepticism of human exceptionalism, a refusal of the idea that humans stand alone, above and apart from the rest of the living world. In this work, they write, the sovereign human subject is decentred, and the agencies of a full array of human and nonhuman actors and forces are acknowledged (Asker & Andrews, 2020). They note that many geographers prefer the gentler name more-than-human geography for this same impulse, the attention to everything beyond the human that shares in making the world (Asker & Andrews, 2020). Relational ethics, they observe, sit at the centre of this tradition (Asker & Andrews, 2020).

To call a body an ecosystem is to decentre the lonely, sovereign self in just this way. I am not a single author moving through inert scenery. I am a gathering of dependencies, a crowd of other lives and processes, held together for a while and called by my name. Montefusco (2026), writing on relational food geographies, names the deepest version of this as radical interdependence, the recognition that we are constituted by our relations rather than merely connected across them, and frames the body as the scale through which we live, immersed within metabolic relations that connect society, ecologies, and place (Montefusco, 2026). Every meal, every breath, every cold swim is that radical interdependence made flesh. I am, quite literally, made of my relations.

The Dignity of Being an Ecosystem

I want to close on why this matters beyond the pleasure of a morning swim. For years I treated my body as an instrument to be driven hard and ignored, a machine that owed me performance regardless of how I used it. That belief is a quiet violence, and I have done it to myself. Reading the body as an ecosystem returns it to me as something living, interdependent, and deserving of care, a place rather than a tool. An ecosystem can be depleted, and it can be tended. It has limits that are not a personal failing and rhythms that ask to be honoured.

So I keep going down to the cold lake. I let the boundary go soft. I take the morning into my lungs and give back my warmth to the water, and I feel, for a few minutes, the plain truth that geography spent decades arriving at: that I have no clean edge, that I am made of exchange, that I am one small interdependent system inside a much larger one. The body is an ecosystem. To treat it as such, in myself and in everyone whose air and water and rest are under threat, is the beginning of a justice measured at the scale of the breath. I am not a machine. I am a living place. So are you.

References

Asker, C., & Andrews, G. J. (2020). The understated turn: Emerging interests and themes in Canadian posthumanist geography. Canadian Geographies / Géographies canadiennes, 64(4), 551–563. https://doi.org/10.1111/cag.12639

Fay, G., Coen, S. E., & Lawreniuk, S. (2026). Of life and breath: Towards geographies of breath and breathing bodies. Geography Compass, 20(3), Article e70069. https://doi.org/10.1111/gec3.70069

Hayes-Conroy, J., & Hayes-Conroy, A. (2010). Visceral geographies: Mattering, relating, and defying. Geography Compass, 4(9), 1273–1283. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1749-8198.2010.00373.x

Montefusco, G. (2026). Relational food geographies, underwater: Discussing food and oceans’ entanglements along urban waterfronts. Geography Compass, 20(4), Article e70074. https://doi.org/10.1111/gec3.70074


🔍 Verified References
The citations in this post have been verified against CrossRef DOI records. View the verified reference list with notes for this post.

3 Minute Thesis: Alonetude at Thompson Rivers University

Reading Time: 2 minutes

I stood at the podium with three minutes to explain thirty days, nineteen years, and the question that has been living in my body for longer than I can name.

The 3 Minute Thesis competition at Thompson Rivers University, March 2, 2026. Secwépemc territory. One slide. One photograph I took beside the Sea of Cortez. One question on the screen behind me:

What happens when we stop running from silence and let it teach us how to heal?

Amy Tucker presenting Alonetude research at the 3 Minute Thesis competition, Thompson Rivers University, March 2, 2026. She stands at a microphone gesturing toward a slide that reads: Alonetude: The Healing Practice of Chosen Solitude.
Photo: Deiveek | Thompson Rivers University Photography | 3MT, March 2, 2026

I had three minutes. I had the whole project behind me: thirty days, eighty-one blog entries, thousands of kilometres of nervous system regulation, grief held and released, stones collected, pelicans watched, tears cried into salt water. I had a methodology grounded in the body. I had a word I invented, alonetude, and the conviction that it names something real.

Three minutes to say: precarious academic labour goes beyond economics. It lives in the body. It reshapes the nervous system. It forecloses the capacity for rest. And rest, genuine rest, embodied and unhurried, is a human right under international law, a matter of human dignity.

Three minutes to say: I went to Loreto, México, for thirty days alone. I brought my research questions, my sixty-year-old body, and one orange suitcase. I stayed until the sea taught me something a desk could never have offered.

I have no distance on exactly how it went. I was inside it. I could feel the room listening. I could feel myself steady in a way I was unsteady a year ago, or six months ago, or even four months ago when I sat alone in the casita watching the sun set over the Sea of Cortez, wondering if any of this would ever be finished.

It is finished. And it is being heard.

Alonetude: The Healing Practice of Chosen Solitude.

Three minutes. Nineteen years. Thirty days by the sea. One breath before I spoke.


Thompson Rivers University | 3 Minute Thesis | March 2, 2026 | Kamloops, BC | Secwépemc Territory

Who Gets to Decide What Land Means

Reading Time: 7 minutes

This piece belongs to A Human Geography of the Self, a series that reads my own life through the concepts geographers use to understand how people and places make one another. It draws on my creative doctoral and master’s work, and on nineteen years of teaching.

“A discipline can be used to wound, and a discipline can be turned toward repair. Geography has been both.”

I teach on Secwépemc Territory, and most days I begin a class by saying so. For years, I said the words the way one recites a courtesy, a small formal nod before the real work began. Then I started reading the history of my own adjacent discipline, the history of geographic thought, and the acknowledgement stopped feeling like a courtesy. It started feeling like a reckoning. Because the question underneath those words, the question of who gets to decide what a piece of land means, who lives there, who belongs, what it is for, turns out to be the question geography spent much of its early life answering in the worst possible way. A discipline can be used to wound, and a discipline can be turned toward repair. Geography has been both. I want to tell that story honestly, because it is a human rights story, and because I am standing inside it.

When Geography Ranked the World

There was a long period when geography taught that the land decides. The doctrine was called environmental determinism (the belief that climate and terrain directly shape human character, ability, and the worth of whole peoples). It sounds abstract until you see what it was used to do. Bhagat and Kenis (2026) describe environmental determinism as geography’s contribution to Social Darwinism and the marker of the discipline’s entry into modern science in the late nineteenth century. They trace how its proponents argued that temperate climates produced superior societies, a view, they write, that was used to justify colonial domination and racial hierarchies (Bhagat & Kenis, 2026). The argument ran that Northern European peoples were energetic and provident because of their climate, while peoples of other regions were cast as their lesser opposites, and the supposed science of geography then certified the ranking as a natural fact (Bhagat & Kenis, 2026).

I find this painful to teach, and necessary. The determinist claim was never a neutral error. It was an instrument. It took the brutal arrangements of empire and dressed them as the simple working out of climate, so that conquest could present itself as destiny. Clément (2020), studying early French colonial geography, shows the machinery up close. He demonstrates how colonial geographers used environmental determinism to explain the lives of Indigenous peoples as a heavy dependence on natural conditions, and then classified those peoples according to their supposed ability to overcome the constraints of their environment (Clément, 2020). The result, he argues, was a science of othering, one whose racialised determinants worked to distance, inferiorise, and dispossess Indigenous peoples under the banner of progress (Clément, 2020). Reading him, I understood that deciding what land means and deciding who counts as fully human were, in this history, the very same act.

The Quiet Violence of a Naturalized Map

Here is the part that reaches me most directly, as someone who has lived a precarious working life and written about how systems decide a person’s worth. Determinism’s deepest trick was to make a human arrangement look like a fact of nature. When inequality is presented as the inevitable product of climate or terrain, it stops looking like a choice that someone made and someone benefits from. It starts looking like weather.

I know this move from the inside, in a far smaller key. For nineteen years as a contract academic, I was offered a story in which my insecurity was simply the climate of the profession, the natural order of the academic ecosystem, nobody’s decision and therefore nobody’s responsibility. Determinism in geography did the same thing at the scale of peoples and continents. It turned decisions into destiny. That is why the history matters as a human rights story rather than a dusty disciplinary debate. To refuse the claim that land determines what people are worth is to insist that the arrangements built on that lie can be questioned, named, and changed. The opposite of determinism, in the end, is accountability.

Turning the Discipline Toward Repair

The hopeful half of this story is that geography has spent decades trying to undo its own founding harm. Determinism was discredited within mainstream geography by the middle of the twentieth century, though, as Bhagat and Kenis (2026) carefully note, its reductive habits keep returning in new forms, including in popular bestsellers and in some climate narratives that once again make environment the master variable of human fate (Bhagat & Kenis, 2026). The work of repair, in other words, is ongoing rather than finished. It has a name now: the effort to decolonize geography, to dismantle the colonial assumptions built into the discipline and to centre the knowledge of the peoples it once objectified.

Radcliffe (2017) frames this decolonial turn as an ethical and political project rather than only an intellectual one. Decolonial approaches, she writes, treat Black and Indigenous experiences as rooted in colonial modernity, and they work to make visible the material and epistemic consequences of white supremacy in order to disturb the system that depends on it (Radcliffe, 2017). She is careful, though, and her caution is one I take personally. The enactment of decolonisation, she writes, requires caution, guidance, and humility, and remains always complex and highly contentious (Radcliffe, 2017). This is far from a project a settler scholar gets to declare complete and tidy.

De Leeuw and Hunt (2018) press exactly on that danger, and their warning has reshaped how I understand my own land acknowledgement. They argue that efforts to decolonize geography are inherently limited as long as colonization continues to structure the discipline and the academy, and they caution that decolonization too often proceeds by re-centring settler voices, engaging concepts of Indigeneity rather than Indigenous peoples themselves, their scholarship, and their lived knowledge (de Leeuw & Hunt, 2018). They ask a question I now sit with before every class: what does it mean to teach about decolonization on Indigenous land, through citational practices that still centre settler scholars over Indigenous ones (de Leeuw & Hunt, 2018)? They urge settler academics to politicize their own situated position on colonized land rather than to perform a reflexivity that changes nothing (de Leeuw & Hunt, 2018). That is a far harder and more honest instruction than the courtesy I once recited.

The Limit I Have to Name

There is a boundary I must mark clearly, because the whole integrity of this post depends on it. It would be a quiet act of appropriation to take this human rights story and fold it smoothly into my own narrative of healing, as though my recovery from precarity and fear sat on the same plane as Indigenous peoples’ struggle against dispossession. It sits at a different scale entirely, and the scholarship I am leaning on insists on the difference.

Tuck and Yang (2012) named this with a precision that has stayed with me for years. Decolonization, they argue, is beyond a metaphor; it means the repatriation of Indigenous land and life, and it resists being turned into a comfortable figure of speech for everyone else’s liberation (Tuck & Yang, 2012). They warn against what they call settler moves to innocence, the small manoeuvres by which settlers reach for the feeling of absolution while the material facts of land stay exactly as they were (Tuck & Yang, 2012). I cite them here as a brake on my own writing. This post can advance a human rights understanding of geographic thought. It earns nothing if it lets me feel absolved. The meaning of the land I teach on remains a matter for the Secwépemc people, beyond my gift to confer.

The Acknowledgement, Remade

So I still begin my classes by naming the territory. The words are the same. What has changed is everything underneath them. I understand now that I am standing in the long aftermath of a discipline that once decided, with the full authority of science, what land meant and who its peoples were permitted to be. I understand that the deciding was a weapon, that the weapon was disguised as fact, and that the work of taking the disguise off is unfinished and partly mine to carry.

Who gets to decide what land means? For too long the answer was whoever held the surveying instruments and the textbooks and the power to call their own ranking natural. The better answer, the one geography is still struggling toward, returns that authority to the peoples whose relationships with these lands long precede mine and will long outlast my tenure. I get to stand here as a guest and a witness. I get to teach the history honestly, including the parts that implicate the very ground I teach upon. And I get to say the territory’s name each morning as what it truly is: beyond a courtesy, a reckoning, and a small daily refusal of the old lie that land decides what people are worth.


References

Bhagat, A., & Kenis, A. (2026). The modern slavery-climate change nexus: Resurrecting environmental determinism, reinforcing saviourism and absolving the West. Antipode, 58(1). https://doi.org/10.1111/anti.70125

Clément, V. (2020). Geographical knowledge, Empire, and the Indigenous Other: Engaging a decolonising introspection into early French colonial geography. Area, 52(4), 741-749. https://doi.org/10.1111/area.12617

de Leeuw, S., & Hunt, S. (2018). Unsettling decolonizing geographies. Geography Compass, 12(7), Article e12376. https://doi.org/10.1111/gec3.12376

Radcliffe, S. A. (2017). Decolonising geographical knowledges. Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, 42(3), 329-333. https://doi.org/10.1111/tran.12195

Tuck, E., & Yang, K. W. (2012). Decolonization is not a metaphor. Decolonization: Indigeneity, Education & Society, 1(1), 1-40.


Academic Lens

This post narrates the history of geographic thought as a human rights story, grounded in peer-reviewed journal scholarship. Bhagat and Kenis (2026) supply the historical arc and the crucial argument that environmental determinism functioned as a justification for colonial domination and racial hierarchy, while also documenting its persistent return in contemporary climate and development narratives. Clément (2020) provides the close historical case, demonstrating how colonial geographers deployed determinism to classify, dehumanize, and dispossess Indigenous peoples under the rhetoric of progress. The post’s pivot from diagnosis to repair draws on the decolonial turn in the discipline: Radcliffe (2017) frames decolonization as an ethico-political project requiring humility, and de Leeuw and Hunt (2018) supply the essential settler-accountability caution, warning that decolonial work too easily re-centres settler voices and engages concepts of Indigeneity rather than Indigenous peoples themselves. Tuck and Yang (2012) anchor the ethical limit through their concept of incommensurability and their critique of settler moves to innocence, which disciplines the writer’s positionality and prevents the appropriation of Indigenous struggle into a settler narrative of healing. Read through Scholarly Personal Narrative (Nash, 2004), the post enacts an accountable settler pedagogy: it uses the land acknowledgement as both frame and subject, modelling the move from recited courtesy to situated reckoning that de Leeuw and Hunt call for, while refusing the absolution that Tuck and Yang foreclose. The brief analogy to academic precarity is deliberately subordinated and explicitly marked as incommensurable, illustrating determinism’s core mechanism, the naturalization of human arrangements, without equating the two scales of harm.

References: The Places I Have Loved Like People

Reading Time: < 1 minute

This page lists the verified references for The Places I Have Loved Like People, part of the A Human Geography of the Self series. All citations have been verified against CrossRef DOI records. Corrections from the original post are noted below.

Verified References

Cross, J. E. (2015). Processes of place attachment: An interactional framework. Symbolic Interaction, 38(4), 493–520. https://doi.org/10.1002/symb.198

Dunkley, R. A. (2018). Monitoring ecological change in UK woodlands and rivers: An exploration of the relational geographies of citizen science. Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, 44(1), 16–31. https://doi.org/10.1111/tran.12258

Larter, P. C. L., Grek-Martin, J., & Silver, A. (2019). Does time heal all wounds? Restoring place attachment in Halifax’s Point Pleasant Park after Hurricane Juan. Canadian Geographies / Géographies canadiennes, 63(3), 494–506. https://doi.org/10.1111/cag.12542

Pascual-de-Sans, A. (2004). Sense of place and migration histories: Idiotopy and idiotope. Area, 36(4), 348–357. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.0004-0894.2004.00236.x

Tuan, Y.-F. (1974). Topophilia: A study of environmental perception, attitudes, and values. Prentice-Hall.

notes

Larter et al. (2019) — journal name corrected. The original post cited the journal as “The Canadian Geographer / Le Geographe canadien.” CrossRef records confirm that this journal was renamed Canadian Geographies / Géographies canadiennes beginning with volume 63 (2019) — the same volume in which this article appears. The corrected citation reflects the current and accurate journal title.

Dunkley (2018) — publication date note. This article was first published online 25 July 2018 and appeared in the print issue vol. 44(1) in March 2019. The post’s citation of 2018 correctly reflects the online-first publication year per APA 7 convention.

All other citations in this post verified correct against CrossRef DOI records.

Verified June 29, 2026 against CrossRef DOI database.

The Places I Have Loved Like People

Reading Time: 7 minutesReading Time: 7 minutes

Reading Time: 7 minutes

Reading Time: 9 minutes

This piece belongs to A Human Geography of the Self, a series that reads my own life through the concepts geographers use to understand how people and places make one another. It draws on my creative doctoral and master’s work, and on my life as an open-water swimmer.

I have grieved shorelines the way other people grieve the departed.

There is a stretch of cold water in the Okanagan that I love the way I love certain people. I know its moods. I know the place where the lake goes suddenly deep and the temperature drops like a held breath, and the place near the reeds where the morning sun arrives first. When I have been away from it too long, I feel the absence as a physical ache, the same ache I feel for a friend I have not seen. I have stood on its shore after a hard season and felt it recognize me. I have grieved shorelines the way other people grieve the departed. For a long time, I thought this was a private eccentricity, a swimmer’s sentimentality. Then I learned that geography has a name for it, and a whole literature, and that the love I feel for water is one of the oldest subjects in the human study of place.

The name is topophilia (the affective bond between a person and a place, the love of a particular piece of the earth). I want to write about what that bond is, why it behaves so much like love for a person, and why naming it has changed how I understand my own attachments to water, to retreat, to the few places that have truly held me.

The Love of Place

The word comes from the humanist geographer Yi-Fu Tuan, and the geographers who use it return to his definition again and again. Larter, Grek-Martin, and Silver (2019), studying how the people of Halifax reattached to a beloved park after a hurricane tore it apart, quote Tuan’s phrase directly: topophilia is the affective bond between people and place (Larter et al., 2019). They describe how Tuan’s focus on the love of place introduced a humanistic sensibility to geography, one that treated places as centres of felt value and fields of care rather than as neutral coordinates (Larter et al., 2019). That phrase, fields of care, undid something in me when I first read it. The lake is a field of care. I tend it in my attention, and it tends me in return.

What moved me most in their study was the concept they used for the loss of such a place. They describe solastalgia (the distress a person feels when a beloved place is damaged or changed, a kind of homesickness felt without leaving home) as the grief that park users carried when the storm altered the landscape they loved (Larter et al., 2019). I have felt exactly this, watching a shoreline change, watching a low-water year expose the bones of a lake I love. Solastalgia gave a name to a grief I had carried without permission to call it grief. The geography validated the feeling.

Loved Like a Person

The heart of this post is a claim that sounds sentimental until a geographer says it plainly: the bond with a place can resemble the bond with a person, even the deepest such bond. Pascual-de-Sans (2004), writing about how people carry their attachments to place across migrations and lifetimes, openly draws the comparison. The bond between a person and their place, she suggests, can be compared to the bond between a mother and her child, specific and unique to them, even as they remain aware that countless other such bonds exist in the world (Pascual-de-Sans, 2004). The awareness of other people’s loves, she argues, deepens rather than diminishes one’s own (Pascual-de-Sans, 2004).

I have read that passage many times now. It tells me my love for the cold lake is far from a metaphor stretched too thin. It is a recognized form of human attachment, structured like the love between kin, particular and irreplaceable. When I say the lake knows me, I am describing what Pascual-de-Sans calls a relationship between a person and a place that becomes part of who that person is. The water has helped raise me. That is beyond poetry. It is geography.

Cross (2015), mapping the distinct processes through which people grow attached to places, helps me understand how such a bond is actually built. She identifies several interacting processes, among them the sensory (in which we come to know a place through the body and the five senses) and the narrative (in which we tell and retell the stories that bind us to it) (Cross, 2015). My attachment to the lake is sensory in the most literal way a bond can be. I have taken that water into my mouth and onto my skin ten thousand times. I have stories about it that I tell and retell until they have become part of my own history. Cross shows me that love of place is far from a single feeling. It is a set of practices, repeated over years, until the place is woven through the self.

Open water swimmer in a cold lake, arms outstretched, surrounded by calm blue water
Open-water swimming as sensory knowledge: the body learning a place from the inside out.

The Bonds That Endure

One of the quiet gifts of this literature is its insistence that these bonds last. Dunkley (2018), studying why people volunteer to monitor the health of woodlands and rivers, found that the early affective bonds people form with ecological and water spaces endure throughout the life course, and that staying connected to those places becomes a way of remaining oneself (Dunkley, 2018). Her participants returned to their waters and woods across decades, drawn by a love that had taken root early and refused to fade (Dunkley, 2018).

I am one of her participants in spirit. The bond I formed with water as a young person, in the years when so much else was unsafe, has lasted through every season of my life. Water was the one place that never frightened me. It still is. Dunkley’s finding (that these affective bonds endure and that we organize our lives partly around keeping them) describes the shape of my whole swimming life. I have arranged decades around staying close to water. I understand now that this was attachment doing what attachment does, holding me to the places that hold me.

Calm lake at dusk with still reflections and soft light on the water surface
Water at dusk: the kind of scene that calls a person back, decade after decade.

What the Lake Taught Me About Love

So I have stopped apologizing for loving places like people. The geography gives me permission, and more than permission, a vocabulary precise enough to honour the feeling. Topophilia is real. Solastalgia is real. The bond can be structured like kinship, built through the senses and through story, and it can last a lifetime. None of this is a swimmer’s sentimentality. It is one of the most thoroughly studied truths about how human beings live in the world.

I will go down to the cold lake again this week, the way you visit someone you love. I will feel the deep place where the temperature drops, and the warm shallows by the reeds, and I will feel the lake recognize me. I used to think I was projecting my need onto indifferent water. Now I think I was practising one of the oldest forms of belonging there is. The places I have loved like people loved me back, in the only language places speak, which is the language of holding. I have been held by that water for most of my life. To love it in return is the most natural geography in the world.


References

Cross, J. E. (2015). Processes of place attachment: An interactional framework. Symbolic Interaction, 38(4), 493-520. https://doi.org/10.1002/symb.198

Dunkley, R. A. (2018). Monitoring ecological change in UK woodlands and rivers: An exploration of the relational geographies of citizen science. Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, 44(1), 16-31. https://doi.org/10.1111/tran.12258

Larter, P. C. L., Grek-Martin, J., & Silver, A. (2019). Does time heal all wounds? Restoring place attachment in Halifax’s Point Pleasant Park after Hurricane Juan. Canadian Geographies / Géographies canadiennes, 63(3), 494-506. https://doi.org/10.1111/cag.12542

Pascual-de-Sans, A. (2004). Sense of place and migration histories: Idiotopy and idiotope. Area, 36(4), 348-357. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.0004-0894.2004.00236.x

Tuan, Y.-F. (1974). Topophilia: A study of environmental perception, attitudes, and values. Prentice-Hall.


Academic Lens

This post translates topophilia into a Scholarly Personal Narrative account of an open-water swimmer’s love of place, grounded in peer-reviewed scholarship with one foundational anchor. Tuan (1974) originates the concept, and Larter, Grek-Martin, and Silver (2019) supply both the working definition (the affective bond between people and place) and the crucial concept of solastalgia, the grief attending a damaged beloved place, which the post uses to legitimize a previously unnamed form of loss. Pascual-de-Sans (2004) provides the post’s structural claim through her explicit comparison of the person-place bond to the parent-child bond, establishing that attachment to place is a recognized form of kinship-like attachment rather than mere sentiment. Cross (2015) supplies the mechanism, decomposing place attachment into interacting processes (notably the sensory and narrative) that explain how a bond with water is built through embodied repetition and storytelling. Dunkley (2018) anchors the claim of endurance, demonstrating that early affective bonds with ecological and water spaces persist across the life course and organize ongoing behaviour. Read through Scholarly Personal Narrative (Nash, 2004), the post enacts a move characteristic of the series: it takes an emotional experience the writer had treated as idiosyncratic (loving a lake like a person) and reframes it, through verified geographic scholarship, as a well-theorized and widely shared dimension of human dwelling, converting private feeling into legible knowledge.

Clear Water - Transparent emerald alpine lake with pine-covered mountains
Clear Water. The transparent emerald waters of an alpine lake, pine-covered mountains rising beyond the far shore. Photo: Amy Tucker, 2026.
After the Rain - A rainbow over wooded landscape viewed through rain-specked window
After the Rain. A rainbow arcs over a wooded landscape seen through a rain-specked window. Photo: Amy Tucker, 2026.
On the Lake - Paddleboarders on a calm lake with mountain peaks and valley communities
On the Lake. Paddleboarders on a calm lake beneath cloud-streaked skies, with rocky mountain peaks and valley communities stretching beyond. Photo: Amy Tucker, 2026.
Ready to Enter - Open-water swimmer preparing to enter the lake
Ready to Enter. Open-water swimmer at the lake’s edge, preparing to enter the water. Photo: Amy Tucker, 2026.


🔍 Verified References
The citations in this post have been verified against CrossRef DOI records. View the verified reference list with notes for this post.

The Map I Carried of Myself

Reading Time: 8 minutes

Content Warning: This piece discusses childhood exposure to parental alcoholism and violence. The material avoids graphic detail, yet it addresses fear and hypervigilance that some readers may find difficult.

This piece belongs to A Human Geography of the Self, a series that reads my own life through the concepts geographers use to understand how people and places make one another. It draws on my creative doctoral and master’s work on alonetude: intentional, embodied solitude as a healing practice.

“I knew the house the way a sailor knows a coast: where the safe water was, and where the rocks waited.”


I am eight years old, lying very still in my bed, and I am reading the house. The furnace clicks. A floorboard settles in the hall. Somewhere below me a cupboard closes, and from the exact weight of that sound I can tell you what kind of evening this will be. I have a map in my head, drawn in a child’s careful hand, and on it every room carries a colour. The kitchen after a certain hour is red. The space behind the couch is green. The route from my bedroom to the back door, the one that avoids the third stair because the third stair speaks, is a thin safe line I could walk in the dark. I knew the house the way a sailor knows a coast: where the safe water was, and where the rocks waited.

I have spent a good part of my adult life trying to understand that map, and why I have never quite been able to put it down. The vocabulary I needed, it turns out, was waiting in human geography all along. Geographers have a name for the inner picture each of us carries of the places we move through. They call it a mental map or a cognitive map (an internal, personal representation of an environment that we build from experience and then use to find our way and to decide where it is safe to go). The map I drew of my childhood house was a cognitive map of the most urgent kind. I want to tell you about the field that studies such maps, and about what it has helped me understand.

The Maps We Carry Inside

For a while in the middle of the last century, a current within the discipline called behavioural geography set out to study exactly this: how people come to know the environments they live in, and how that knowledge shapes what they do next. Argent and Walmsley (2009), reviewing the rise and quiet fall of this approach, describe its central conviction plainly. Behavioural geography rested on the idea that we could understand people and places better by attending to the psychological processes through which individuals come to know the world around them (Argent & Walmsley, 2009). It held that human beings construct images of the environment in their minds while they move through it, and that these images go on to influence their behaviour (Argent & Walmsley, 2009). My eight-year-old self was doing fieldwork in precisely this sense, building an image of my home and letting that image govern every step I took.

What strikes me, reading Argent and Walmsley (2009), is their insistence that behavioural geography was far from a crude stimulus-and-response model. They take care to separate it from any mechanical account that would reduce a person to a switch tripped by the world. Behaviour, they argue, emerges from a dense weave of attitudes, beliefs, values, perceptions, and images, and from the way people make decisions within the constraints their society imposes (Argent & Walmsley, 2009). I find that distinction tender and true. My vigilance was beyond a reflex. It was an interpretation, a child reading meaning into footsteps and shadows, building a theory of where harm lived and acting on it. That is cognition, beyond instinct. It was the work of a small geographer doing her best to survive her terrain.

The maps people carry are seldom neutral. Thompson (2020), writing about how migrants imagine the places they might move to, describes mental maps as something other than fixed cartographic representations. They are, she writes, the imaginative ways individuals and groups understand spatial meaning in the world (Thompson, 2020). Everyone, she notes, carries around imperfect mental images of place, and recalls them when a decision must be made, using their spatial information to choose, though seldom in a purely rational way (Thompson, 2020). My map was imperfect in exactly her sense. It was saturated with feeling, weighted toward danger, drawn by a nervous system that preferred a hundred false alarms to a single missed one. It was the imaginative work of a child making spatial meaning out of fear.

When Home Is the Place You Map for Danger

Here I have to say the hard thing plainly, because the whole point of this map is that I drew it inside the one place that is supposed to need no map at all. We are taught that home is refuge. The geographers who study this have spent decades showing how often that teaching conceals the opposite.

Warrington (2001), in a study that has stayed with me, describes the geographies of domestic violence as a series of enlarging yet restricted spaces. Although the social construction of home is as a place of safety and support, she writes, in reality it can be a place of violence, where those who live in fear become spatially restricted to the home itself or to its immediate environs (Warrington, 2001). She found that even those who break free and reach a place of refuge continue to live spatially restricted lives, still mapping their world around a danger that follows them (Warrington, 2001). When I read Warrington, I understood that the thin safe line I walked to the back door was geography in her exact sense: a life narrowed and organized by the need to stay out of harm’s way inside my own home.

The philosopher Joshua Price (2002) sharpens this further, and his words gave me language for a feeling I had carried wordlessly for decades. The home, he argues, is ideologically understood as a place of safety and refuge, and that very ideology cloaks the violence that happens within it (Price, 2002). He writes about how a person living with the threat of violence works constantly to arrange the domestic space so as to avoid setting off the one who might harm them, living, as one woman in his study put it, as though walking a tightrope where one small slip brings danger (Price, 2002). That tightrope is a map. It is the same map I drew. To live in such a home is to become a cartographer of another person’s moods, charting the daily weather of a house so that you might survive it.

This is why I name my childhood vigilance as intelligence rather than as damage. I was reading my environment with great accuracy under conditions that demanded it. The map I carried was a rational instrument, a means of moving through dangerous terrain, and giving it that dignity is the beginning of being able, slowly, to set it down.

The Geography Closest In

There is one more turn I want to make, because the map I carried lived beyond my mind. It lived in my body. My shoulders still rise toward my ears at the sound of heavy footsteps. My breath still catches when a door closes hard. The cognitive map of threat was written into a startle, a scanning gaze, a tightened stomach, long before I had any words for it.

Geographers have come to take this seriously too. Bondi (2005), writing on what she and others call emotional geographies (the study of how feeling shapes, and is shaped by, our experience of space and place), traces how feminist geographers challenged the old assumption that women’s fear was irrational, and showed instead that fear is generated by and expressive of wider social relations rather than being merely a private interior state (Bondi, 2005). Fear, in this work, permeates environments as much as it fills a single frightened mind (Bondi, 2005). My map was emotional geography in exactly this sense. The feeling and the floor plan were one thing. The danger I charted was real, structural, and located, beyond a flaw in my imagination.

I went to Loreto, decades later, to begin redrawing this map. Thirty days alone by the Sea of Cortez, learning to let a room be only a room, to let silence be safety rather than the held breath before a storm. The old map has yet to fully fade, and I have made a kind of peace with its persistence. It kept a child alive. I can honour it for that and still, morning by morning, sketch the lighter map beside it, the one where the safe water spreads wider every year, and the rocks draw back toward the far edge of the chart.

I knew the house the way a sailor knows a coast. I am learning, now, to know safety the same way.


References

Argent, N., & Walmsley, D. J. (2009). From the inside looking out and the outside looking in: Whatever happened to “behavioural geography”? Geographical Research, 47(2), 192-203. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1745-5871.2009.00571.x

Bondi, L. (2005). Making connections and thinking through emotions: Between geography and psychotherapy. Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, 30(4), 433-448. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-5661.2005.00183.x

Price, J. M. (2002). The apotheosis of home and the maintenance of spaces of violence. Hypatia, 17(4), 39-70. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.2002.tb01073.x

Thompson, M. (2020). Mental mapping and multinational migrations: A geographical imaginations approach. Geographical Research, 58(4), 388-402. https://doi.org/10.1111/1745-5871.12435

Warrington, M. (2001). “I must get out”: The geographies of domestic violence. Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, 26(3), 365-382. https://doi.org/10.1111/1475-5661.00028


Academic Lens

This post translates the concept of the cognitive map from behavioural geography into a Scholarly Personal Narrative account of childhood hypervigilance, grounding the personal in peer-reviewed journal scholarship rather than a survey textbook. Argent and Walmsley’s (2009) retrospective supplies the disciplinary foundation, defining behavioural geography as the study of how people build mental images of their environment and act upon them, and crucially distinguishing it from reductive stimulus-response behaviourism, which licenses the reading of childhood vigilance as interpretation rather than mere reflex. Thompson’s (2020) account of mental maps as imaginative, affectively weighted, and imperfect representations extends the concept beyond wayfinding toward the emotionally saturated map this post describes. The argumentative centre draws on feminist geographies of the home: Warrington (2001) reframes domestic violence as a spatial condition of enlarging yet restricted space, and Price (2002) exposes the ideological cloaking by which the home’s reputation as refuge conceals the violence within it, together giving scholarly form to the experience of mapping one’s own house for danger. Bondi (2005) supplies the emotional-geographies frame, situating fear as a spatial and relational phenomenon rather than a private irrationality, which connects this post to the wider Geography of Fear series and to the feminist insistence that the body is the nearest scale at which space is lived. Read through Scholarly Personal Narrative (Nash, 2004), the cartographic metaphor operates as both lived memory and analytic claim: the map is the argument.